EDWARD III AND PHILIPPA OF HAINAULT


THE MARRIAGE CONTRACT BETWEEN EDWARD III AND PHILIPPA OF HAINAULT, by which Prince Edward [the future Edward III], as Duke of Aquitaine and eldest son of the King of England ("Nous Edwars Dux de Guyane, Ainsnels filz de tresexcellent Prince monseigneur Edward par la grasce de dieu Roy dengletere"), undertakes to marry Philippa, daughter of Count William of Hainault, within two years of the contract being drawn up ("nous avons promis et prometrons sollempnelment par nostre foi loyaltei et sairement fait et prestei sour les saintes ewangiles, que nous prenderons a femme et a espeuse demiselle Phelippe, fille monsigneur Guillaume Conte de Haynau, de Hollande de Zéelande et signeur de frize, dedens deus ans, de le date de ches presentes lettres"): he promises that he will assign dower; that he will obtain papal dispensation for the marriage; that he will not engage himself to marry any other, unless Philippa dies within the term; and that he will pay Count William £10,000 if the terms of the contract are broken, and empowering him to make constraint on English goods by sea or by land to recover the sum; with, attached by a vellum tongue, a large fragment in white wax of the central portion of the Seal of Prince Edward, as eldest son of the King, Duke of Aquitaine, Count of Chester, Ponthieu and Montreuil, showing on the obverse side his mounted, armoured and heraldically-surcoated figure facing to the left, and on the reverse the central part of his heraldic shield; in an elaborate green morocco modern fitted case, twenty-seven lines written in a clear hand on one skin of vellum, with flourished first initial, early nineteenth century dockets on the reverse and inscribed by Sir Thomas Phillipps as being MS 27724, slight dust-staining where folded and exposed on verso (as is usual) but overall in unusually fine, fresh and attractive condition, 238 x 242mm., "Che fu fait et acordeit a Mons en Haynau le merquedy apries le fieste saint Barthelmieu apostle, lan de grace Mil. ccc. vint et sis", Mons, Hainault, 27 August 1326
|'NOUS EDWARS DUX DE GUYANE, AINSNELS FILZ DE TRESEXCELLENT PRINCE MONSEIGNEUR EDWARD PAR LE GRASCE DE DIEU ROY DENGLETERRE' – THE TREATY THAT ENABLED QUEEN ISABELLA, THE 'SHE-WOLF OF FRANCE', TO INVADE ENGLAND, DEPOSE THE KING, AND PLACE HER SON ON THE THRONE.With this marriage contract, Isabella secured the dowry that enabled her to set in train the invasion of England and replacement of her husband Edward II by their son, Edward III. In the words of Juliet Vale, writing in the Oxford Dictionary of National Biography: 'A marriage alliance with Hainault was an essential part of Queen Isabella's strategy to oust her husband, Edward II, and place their son (the future Edward III (1312–1377)) upon the throne. This entailed military aid from Philippa's uncle, John of Hainault, lord of Beaumont, and the active collaboration of the count... A marriage contract, with strict terms for non-compliance and conditional upon papal dispensation, was drawn up on 27 August 1326 at Mons in Hainault, despite opposition from Edward II and his council... Isabella swore (on behalf of her son)... that the marriage would take place within two years. Negotiations for papal dispensation for the marriage (Philippa and Edward were related within the third degree of consanguinity) were in train from March 1327, and this was granted on 30 August 1327'.Isabella's actions, made possible by the receipt of her prospective daughter-in-law's dowry, were to set in train an extraordinary chain of events and establish an extraordinary precedent: 'In 1327 Edward III was crowned king of England in the place of his father, Edward II, who was still alive. This was an unprecedented event in post-Conquest England: one which upset the order of things, threatened the sacrosanctity of kingship, and lacked clear legality or established process' (Valente, p.852). It was an event that was freighted with the implication that a ruler did not rule by right but by consent of those governed, and could like Edward II be deposed because he was a useless king (rex inutilis), one politically inept and personally incompetent: 'Political success, rather than legal process, justified Edward II's deposition. Nonetheless, the sponsors of the 1327 dethronement deemed it expedient to cite authority to sanction one king's expulsion and another's succession. To the formula that Edward II "had ousted himself from the government," the victors added that he "was deposed... by the unanimous consent" of the lords and of "the whole clergy and people." Likewise, the queen's apologists claimed that Edward II had granted the crown to his son "by the common counsel and assent of the prelates," of the peers, and of "all the community of the kingdom." In this way they rooted the principles of counsel and consent still deeper in England's laws and customs. Further, the statement, "it is agreed that Sir Edward [III], the king's eldest son, should have the government of the realm and be crowned king," seems grounded in the principle of contract"' (Dunham & Wood, pp.739 and 741).BACKGROUND TO THE CONTRACTAlthough our document was issued in the name of the future Edward III and bears his seal, he was only thirteen-years-old at the time and no-one was or is in any doubt that the prime mover was his mother, Isabella, Queen of England; in alliance with Roger Mortimer and other powerful opponents of the King who had joined her court-in-exile on the Continent.Queen Isabella was the only surviving daughter of Philip IV, King of France (Philip the Fair), and sister of three French kings, Louis X, Philip V and Charles IV (Charles the Fair). It was through her that her son, Edward III, was to lay claim to the throne of France in the Hundred Years War.Isabella had married Edward II in 1302, shortly after his ascent to the throne. Famously, it was not a marriage that got off to a good start: 'Even before the couple reached England for their coronation on 25 February 1308, Edward had sent [Philip IV's] wedding gifts to his favourite, Piers Gaveston (d. 1312). It was said that Edward visited Gaveston's bed more often than Isabella's; she complained to her father that Gaveston usurped her place and that her funds were inadequate... Isabella's dislike of Gaveston was well known and it was said that to eliminate him, she was in contact with her father, the pope and cardinals, and English earls' (Parsons).Edward did however manage to father several children with Isabella, the eldest of whom was the future Edward III. With his birth at Windsor on 12 November 1312, Isabella's position at court was greatly enhanced, being now mother to the heir to the throne. The events of Edward II's turbulent reign are well known, such as the murder of Piers Gaveston, the disastrous defeat by the Scots at Bannockburn, the civil war with his barons, and the rise of a new favourite, Hugh Despenser who, with his father, soon wielded despotic power and threatened the position of Isabella. Meanwhile, Isabella's brother Charles IV, King of France, was threatening English possessions in Aquitaine.Edward II sent Isabella to France in 1325 in order to broker a peace with her brother. This she achieved, even if at heavy financial cost to her husband. Under feudal custom it was also necessary that Edward II pay homage to Isabella's brother for English possessions in France. Charles IV agreed, possibly in collusion with his sister, that Edward II need not do this in person but could instead send over his son and heir, Prince Edward. To this end, Prince Edward was created Duke of Aquitaine and Count of Ponthieu and left England on 12 September 1325. But after paying the required homage he stayed on in Paris with his mother. Edward II ordered them home but without success: 'Pretending Edward had expelled her from England, Charles supported Isabella in hopes of recovering Aquitaine. She now spent more time with Englishmen exiled as traitors than with the advisers Edward had given her. Among the exiles was the marcher lord Roger (V) Mortimer... by March 1326 it was known in England that he and Isabella were lovers' (Parsons).THE CONTRACT SEALED AT MONS IN HAINAULT ON 27 AUGUST 1326Isabella and Prince Edward then left France for Hainault (as Hainaut is styled in English). This was a lordship within the Holy Roman Empire comprising what is now the Belgian province of Hainaut and part of the eastern France with its capital at Mons and second city at Valenciennes. It was here, at Mons, that Isabella took the decisive move and pledged the hand of Prince Edward to that of the daughter of the Count of Hainault; and formed what was in effect a military alliance in readiness for the invasion of England.Just as no-one is in any doubt that Isabella was prime mover of our contract, so no-one is in any doubt as to its real purpose. In what is possibly the first history play in English, Christopher Marlowe has Sir John of Hainault (Philippa's uncle) address the young Prince Edward thus: 'My lord of England, sith th' ungentle king/ Of France refuseth to give aid of arms/ To this distressed queen his sister here,/ Go you with her to Hainault. Doubt ye not,/ We will find comfort, money, men, and friends/ Ere long, to bid the English king a base./ How say, young prince? What think you of the match?'.In our own day, Helen Castor, filming She-Wolves: England's Early Queens in the early twenty-first century, tells her audience: 'Isabella took a momentous decision. It was no longer enough to remove Despenser. She needed to remove her husband too. She intended to do something unprecedented in English history – depose an anointed king. Could she, as a woman, achieve this? She certainly couldn't do it alone. She needed an army. And how she got one reveals a great deal about the woman she'd become. Now she was an independent player on the European stage and she arranged the marriage of her son to Philippa, daughter of the count of Hainault, who brought troops and ships as her dowry' (BBC).Practically every modern historian of the period refers to the marriage contract, and in much the same terms; some samples of which we give in the Appendix, below.CONSEQUENCES OF THE CONTRACTLess than a month after this contract was sworn and sealed, Isabella, the newly-betrothed Prince Edward, Philippa's uncle, John of Hainault, and their party set sail for England on 23 September, arriving at Orwell in Suffolk the following day. She met with little resistance, those whom the King had sent to oppose her coming over to her side. A proclamation was issued by her denouncing the Despensers on 15 October, and London rose the same day. Edward II and the Despensers fled into Wales. Her son, Prince Edward, was declared Guardian of the Realm on 26 October. On 16 November King Edward and the younger Hugh Despenser were captured in Glamorgan. Despenser was gruesomely executed at Hereford on 25 November. A parliament was summoned to London for 7 January 1327 and Edward II, informed of their decision that he should no longer reign, abdicated the throne. Edward III was proclaimed king on 13 January and crowned, while his father was still alive, on 1 February. The deposed King was murdered at Berkeley Castle on 21 September 1327.PARTIES TO THE CONTRACTHistorians in the old mould have never had much time for Isabella and have branded her a 'bad' queen. It was the poet Thomas Gray in the eighteenth century who, borrowing an epithet Shakespeare had applied to Margaret of Anjou, first stuck the label on Isabella as the 'She-Wolf of France': 'She-Wolf of France, with unrelenting fangs,/ That tear'st the bowels of thy mangled mate' (The Bard). In which 'Gray was luckier than Shakespeare, for in his case the epithet stuck and was remembered' (Johnstone, p.208). When it came to the Victorian and Edwardian eras, approval was not forthcoming either. Agnes Strickland's take on the Hainault business is forthright: 'Edward wrote several letters to his wife... but she paid no attention either to his entreaties or his orders... Isabella refused to go [back to England], and used her vile influence to encourage her son's disobedience in this matter also. Edward II was very much hurt, and wrote frequently to his wife, reminding her of her duty, and taking her severely to task for her disloyal conduct... What offended King Edward most of all was that his son, whom he loved dearly, was not only kept away from him, but that he constantly associated with his mother's friend and adviser, Mortimer, who had proved himself a shameless, worthless traitor. Besides, Isabella had contracted a marriage between her son and a daughter of Count Hainault without the slightest mention of the matter to her husband, and had even gone so far as to receive the bride's marriage dowry, which was paid in advance, and used it for her own private expenses' (p.189-99). In Our Island Story, Edwardian children are told that 'When Edward III was made king in 1327 A.D., he was only fourteen. He was too young to rule, and the power was really in the hands of his mother, Queen Isabella, and of a man called Roger Mortimer, Earl of March. Both the Queen and the Earl were wicked, so it was a sad time for England' (Marshall, p.212). Things are different now, of course; and her revolution of 1326-27, if not the rapacious couple of years in which she reigned in the name of her son, is held in higher esteem.The beneficiary of our contract has by contrast always enjoyed a status as one of England's 'good' queens. For Agnes Strickland, 'Philippa was a brilliant Flemish beauty, whose excellent heart and lovable disposition endeared her to all who knew her. Later, as Queen of England, she proved a blessing to that country by the wisdom and good judgement she displayed in encouraging manufactures and trade' (p.218). For once, modern opinion concurs, one biographer concluding that 'Queen Philippa appears to have been widely admired in her adopted country. To the censorious Walsingham, for instance, she was "a most noble woman and most constant lover of the English"... Her long and fertile marriage to Edward III was an important factor in the preservation of stability and continuity in England for much of the fourteenth century' (Vale).Although few doubt that her marriage contract was anything but an instrument of policy – and treasonous policy at that – she, it seems, saw things differently; and it is easy to warm to her: 'Philippa of Hainault and Edward III went on to have a long, happy and extremely fruitful marriage, and seemingly they got on well right from the start: Philippa was later to claim to the chronicler Jean Froissart that Edward of Windsor liked her best of all her sisters and chose her as his bride. In fact she was the eldest unmarried sister... and therefore next in line to marry. Her betrothal in 1326 had everything to do with power politics at the highest level and nothing to do with the whims of adolescents' (Warner, p.200). She is remembered to this day for one especial act of compassion, her pleading for the lives of the Burghers of Calais. The great statue by Rodin that stands besides the House of Parliament is a fitting monument to her memory.Her physical appearance has attracted notice in recent years. A diplomatic report probably dating from 1319 survives that 'describes a young daughter of the count of Hainault in candid detail. This may refer to Philippa, and several points tally with visual representations of the queen' (Vale). One translation of this runs: 'The lady whom we saw has not uncomely hair, betwixt blue-black and brown... Her eyes are blackish-brown and deep. Her nose is fairly smooth and even, save that it is somewhat broad at the tip and also flattened, and yet it is no snub-nose. Her nostrils are also broad, her mouth fairly wide. Her lips somewhat full, and especially the lower lip' (Stapleton, p.169). This appearance, it has been argued, might indicate a genetic reversion to Moorish ancestry, not uncommon in that part of the world. On this account she has been described as England's first black queen. However, this translation of the original 'entre bloy et brun' as 'betwixt blue-black and brown' has been queried, and might instead read as 'between blonde and brown' (Prestwich, p.215). It is tempting, in this context, to wonder why her famous son Edward should have been called the Black Prince. (Although there is no good evidence otherwise to suggest that he was dark in complexion; there is no very good evidence either that his armour was black or that such blackness reflects a reputation for cruelty – akin to 'Bloody' Mary – when the 'Black' Prince is, whatever the truth, a figure emblematic of gallantry and courtly chivalry.)WAX, VELLUM AND INK: THE CONTRACT'S PHYSICAL EMBODIMENTIn and of itself, as manifested in ink, vellum and wax, this document is a quite exceptional object. Quite apart from its unstated aim, the raising of an army, invasion of the kingdom and overthrow of a king, it is, under any common meaning of the term, treasonous; in that it is enacting a betrothal of his son and heir in direct contravention of the wishes of the King. (In fact, at the time it was drawn up, treason was an offence under Common Law only, not being codified into statute until the Treason Act of 1351, passed by Parliament during the reign of Edward III; while this act – still on the statute book – in its second provision makes violation of the King's daughter an offence, no mention is made of the marrying off of the son and heir.) Given that our document marries off the heir to the throne as well as drawing up an international treaty, it is quite exceptional in that it was not issued under the Great Seal of England, which was still retained by Edward II at the time; and not be given up by him until 20 November 1326 and coming into the hands of Isabella and her son on the 26th. It is easy to imagine that, had Isabella not prevailed against Edward II, the contract, entered into by a minor without his father's consent, would have been declared invalid and not worth the vellum it was written on, or indeed the wax it was sealed with.The contract is often described as having been 'signed' at Mons on 27 August 1326. This is of course an anachronism. Documents at this period were witnessed, as ours was, and sealed, but not signed. Even when, in post-mediaeval times, the royal signature (or sign manual) was employed, it was usually done so either when issuing a direct and personal communication under the Privy Seal, or when directing that a document be issued under the Great Seal. One does encounter the occasional document bearing both formal seal and signature but only very, very rarely; for it is something of a tautology.Comparison with another, roughly contemporary, treaty is instructive (Sotheby's, Phillipps Sale, 13 April 1981, Lot 38). This was drawn up between Edward I and Guy de Dampierre, Count of Flanders, and is dated 6 May 1292. Three things are immediately apparent: it is sealed with the Great Seal; it is written in Latin not French; and it is dated by Regnal Year rather than Anno Domini.In the first respect, our document does not bear the Great Seal of England but rather the seal granted to Prince Edward so that he could pay homage for Aquitaine on behalf of his father to Charles the Fair of France. Prince Edward's seal styles him eldest son of the King, Duke of Aquitaine, Count of Chester, Ponthieu and Montreuil, and shows him turned to the left on a horse covered with an emblazoned housing, habited in a surcoat embroidered with his arms, carrying on his left arm a shield similarly emblazoned, and holding a sword in his right hand; on the reverse is displayed his shield; both obverse and reverse set in a rose of twenty-four leaves: our fragment preserving the central portion only (Mernick; Edwards, Plate VI, fig.4). Two features that our document does however share with the 1292 treaty are the use of white, uncoloured wax, indicating temporary duration, and the vellum tongue that attaches seal to document.Secondly, it is written in French rather than the customary Latin. French was of course Isabella's native tongue. Had it been issued, as by rights it should have been (had he approved) by the King himself, it would have been in Latin. Although Norman-French was very much in use in English court and upper class circles at this period, its use in documents was restricted to those issued under the King's Privy Seal. (In our attempted transcription of the French, we have been guided, especially when expanding the numerous abbreviations, by the text printed by Kervyn, pp.108-9.)In the third respect, it is dated by Anno Domini, rather than regnal year, as is usually the case with royal documents throughout the middle ages, and beyond. By contrast, the 1292 treaty is dated to the 6th of May in the twentieth year of the King's reign. Edward I came to the throne on 20 November 1291, which dates it to the year 1292 (Cheney, p.20). Ours by contrast needs no looking up, and is dated "lan de grace Mil. ccc. vint et sis", that is to say the Year of Grace 1326.What does need looking up however is the month and day, formulated here as being the Wednesday after the Feast of St Bartholomew, Evangelist. The elaborate mid-twentieth century case that currently enshrines the document is stamped in gold with the date 24 August 1326. The box-maker was misinformed (this has unfortunately led to some academic confusion). The 24th of August marks the feast day itself, which that year fell on the Fourteen Sunday after Trinity (Cheney, Table 2, p.86). The Wednesday after that falls on August the 27th.What appears to be our deed's counter-part (although at the time of going to press we have not been able to confirm this) is held at Mons, Archives de l'État, Tresorie des Chartes des Comtes de Hainaut 433 (Wymans, p.128).Our deed formed part of the massive and celebrated collection of books and over 60,000 manuscripts formed in the nineteenth century by Sir Thomas Phillipps, Bart, which was dispersed privately and over a long series of sales by Sotheby's, even after being acquired by Lionel and Philip Robinson in 1946 (Bell). Our document, Phillipps MS 27724, was sold in the last of these Phillipps sales at Sotheby's, Catalogue of English Charters and Documents, from the Twelfth to the Nineteenth Century, from the celebrated collection formed by Sir Thomas Phillipps, Bt., (1792-1872), The Property of the Trustees of the Robinson Trust, 13 April 1981, Lot 4 (complete with its modern misdated case). It now the property of a private American collection.This deed is an extraordinary survival from the middle ages. Without it there would have been no Black Prince, nor any of his numerous siblings, the disputing claims of whose descendants were to give rise to the Wars of the Roses in the following century, curtain-raiser to the Tudors and the modern, post-feudal, age. It is also a physical embodiment of open rebellion and the invasion of England less than a month later; akin in this respect to the pistol that fired the shot in Sarajevo. Few more potent relics of English history have been offered for sale.APPENDIX: SOME RECENT HISTORIANS ON THE MARRIAGE CONTRACTAs mentioned above, the marriage contract between the future Edward III and Philippa of Hainault features in practically every account of the drama that saw Edward III replace his father upon the throne. Herewith some samples:Jonathan Sumption, The Hundred Years War, Volume I: Trial by Battle, 1990: 'Isabella and Mortimer... proposed to the Count of Hainault, William I, that Prince Edward should be betrothed to his daughter Philippa in return for military assistance. William accepted this offer with alacrity. He had no ties to Edward II and had no objection to making his daughter a queen. He was willing to provide a port of embarkation and a force of some 700 men. The men were volunteers, raised by the Count's brother John. They sailed from Dordrecht on 23 September 1326 and arrived the following day in the Suffolk port of Orwell' (p.101).Kathryn Warner, Isabella of France: The Rebel Queen, 2016:, 'On 27 August 1326, Isabella's son Edward of Windsor was betrothed to Philippa, daughter of William, count of Hainault and Joan of Valois, then about twelve years old... The young duke of Aquitaine, still only thirteen, bound himself to marry Philippa of Hainault within two years... Edward of Windsor was still officially betrothed to Alfonso XI of Saville's sister Leonor, and as he was under age and his legal guardian, his father Edward II, had not consented to his engagement to Philippa and indeed stood in firm opposition to it, the legality of the process was extremely dubious... Her betrothal in 1326 had everything to do with power politics at the highest level and nothing to do with the whims of adolescents, being the means by which her future mother-in-law and a group of exiles could invade a sovereign nation with ships and mercenaries' (pp.199-200).Paul Doherty, Isabella and the Strange Death of Edward II, 2003: 'Once Isabella realised which way the wind was blowing, she and Mortimer left the French court in the summer of 1326 and entered the territory of William, Count of Hainault. Isabella promised a settlement of all maritime disputes between Hainault and England and the marriage of her eldest son Edward to William's daughter Philippa. In return William offered troops, a fleet of eight men-of-war as well as 132 fishing smacks, or herring ships, for transport to assist with any invasion' (p.89)Alison Weir, Isabella: She-Wolf of France, Queen of England, 2006: 'On 27 August, again at Mons, Isabella took the irrevocable step of signing a treaty providing for the betrothal of Prince Edward to a daughter of the Count of Hainault. The princess's dowry was to be in the form of troops, money and ships, which were to be delivered in advance of the marriage and put at the Queen's disposal; in return, Isabella promised that the wedding would take place within two years, and that, once she gained power in England, she would settle its maritime dispute with Hainault to everyone's satisfaction' (p.220).W.M[ark]. Ormrod, 'Edward III', ODNB: 'From December 1325 Edward II repeatedly demanded the return of his heir, but without success. Whereas the king had been in negotiations since 1324 for a marriage between the prince and an Aragonese or Castilian princess, the queen now proposed a match between her son and Philippa... the second daughter of William (I), count of Hainault, in return for the military assistance she needed to mount an invasion of England. Edward II was apprised of these illicit negotiations by March 1326, and sent a force to Normandy in September possibly with the intention of capturing the prince. But Isabella and her lover Roger Mortimer (d. 1330) sailed with the young Edward from Dordrecht on 23 September 1326 and landed at Orwell on the following day. Their advent signified nothing less than a direct challenge to the throne of England'.W. Mark Ormrod, Edward III, 2012: 'The final terms of the marriage contract between Edward of Windsor and Philippa of Hainault were agreed and sealed at Mons on 27 August. The Prince swore on the Gospels to provide Philippa with a suitable dower and to marry her within two years on pain of a fine of £10,000' (p.39)Helen Castor, She-Wolves: The Women Who Ruled England Before Elizabeth, 2010: 'The queen had signed a treaty with Hainault, promising that her son would marry the count's daughter Philippa, and the bride's dowry had already been assembled, in the form of seven hundred soldiers under the command of the count's brother Jean' (p.292).BIBLIOGRAPHYBBC: Helen Castor, She-Wolves: England's Early Queens, BBC Channel Four, 2012Bell: Alan Bell, 'Sir Thomas Phillipps', ODNB, 2009Castor: Helen Castor, She-Wolves: The Women who Ruled England before Elizabeth, 2010Cheney: C.R. Cheney, Handbook of Dates for Students of English History, 1955Doherty: Paul Doherty, Isabella and the Strange Death of Edward II, 2003Dunham & Wood: William Huse Dunham, Jr. and Charles T. Wood, ʻThe Right to Rule in England: Depositions and the Kingdom's Authority, 1327-1485', The American Historical Review, Vol. 81, No. 4 (Oct., 1976), pp. 738-761Edwards: Edward Edwards, Great Seals of England, 1837Johnstone: Hilda Johnstone, ʻIsabella, the She-Wolf of France', History, New Series, Vol. 21, No. 83 (December, 1936), pp. 208-218Kervyn: Baron Kervyn de Lettenhove, Oeuvres de Froissart, ii, 1867Lusignan: Serge Lusignan, La langue des rois au Moyen Âge: Le français en France et en Angleterre, 2004Marlowe: Christopher Marlowe, The Troublesome Reign and Lamentable Death of Edward the Second, King of England, with the Tragical Fall of Proud Mortimer, 1594Marshall: H.E. Marshall, Our Island Story: A History of England for Boys and Girls, 1905Mernick: Philip and Harold Mernick, 'The "Great Seals" of Britain from William I to Elizabeth II', www.mernick.org.ukODNB: Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, onlineOrmrod ODNB: W.M[ark]. Ormrod, 'Edward III', ODNB, 2008Ormrod Edward III: W. Mark Ormrod, Edward III, 2011Parsons: John Carmi Parsons, 'Isabella', ODNB, 2008Phillips: J. R. S. Phillips, 'Edward II', ODNB, 2008Phillipps: Sotheby's, Catalogue of English Charters and Documents, from the Twelfth to the Nineteenth Century, from the celebrated collection formed by Sir Thomas Phillipps, Bt., (1792-1872), The Property of the Trustees of the Robinson Trust, 13 April 1981Prestwich: Michael Prestwich: Plantagenet England, 1225–1360, 2005Sandford: Francis Sandford, A Genealogical History of the Kings of England and Monarchs of Great Britain, 1677Stapledon: The Register of Walter de Stapledon, Bishop of Exeter, 1307–1326, edited by F. C. Hingeston-Randolph, 1892Strickland: Agnes Strickland, The Queens of England, abridged Rosalie Kaufman, 1888-92Sumption: Jonathan Sumption, The Hundred Years War, Volume I: Trial by Battle, 1990Vale: Juliet Vale, 'Philippa of Hainault', ODNB, 2010Valente: Claire Valente, 'The Deposition and Abdication of Edward II', The English Historical Review, Vol. 113, No. 453 (September 1998), pp. 852-881Warner: Kathryn Warner, Isabella of France: The Rebel Queen, 2016Wathey: Andrew Wathey, 'The Marriage of Edward III and the Transmission of French Motets to England', in Journal of the American Musicological Society, Vol. 45, No. 1 (Spring, 1992), pp. 1-29Weir: Alison Weir, Isabella: She-Wolf of France, Queen of England, 2006Wymans: G. Wymans, Inventaire analytique du chartrier de la Trésorerie des comtes de Hainaut, 1985